Avatar, the Right and the indigenous tribes
Though the recent science fiction drama Avatar received much critical acclaim for its revolutionary visual effects and James Cameron’s ‘creation’ of an entirely new world, it is often in the news for other reasons, particularly the political interpretations that are made from the film’s storyline.
Avatar depicts the struggle between humans and a sentient humanoid species called the Na’vi, indigenous to the moon Pandora in the Alpha Centauri star system. In 2154, humans led by the RDA Corporation are mining a precious mineral called “Unobtainium” on Pandora because of which they are brought into conflict with an indigenous Na’vi tribe, the Omaticaya. Led by a human Jake Sully (played by Sam Worthington) who ‘defects’ to their side after becoming emotionally attached to them and being angered by the brutalities of his compatriots, the Na’vi ultimately succeed in driving the human invaders out.
Avatar attracted several political interpretations. In the Na’vi’s victory over the RDA Corporation, leftists see the triumph of socialism over imperialism. US conservatives see references to the US invasion of Iraq and director James Cameron himself confirmed their doubts. The Chinese proletariat think the Na’vi’s plight reflects their own condition back on earth, with their lands being snatched for real estate development, horrifyingly with help from a Communist state.
Environmentalists see the conflict between the RDA Corporation and the Na’vi being played out in real life between Vedanta Aluminium Ltd. and the Dongria Kondh tribe in Orissa (Vedanta Resources wants to mine bauxite from the Niyamgiri mountain, near Lanjigarh in Orissa, that is sacred to the Kondh.) Some see racist connotations in that it is a white man (Jake Sully) from an advanced society that ultimately leads the primitive Na’vi to victory.
However, few notice that Avatar introduces a paradigm shift in alien invasion films. In the typical alien invasion film, hostile aliens invade earth, try to kill all its inhabitants so that they can freely exploit it’s resources, until a fatal weakness is discovered that allows humans to fight back and drive the aliens out. In Avatar, the hostile alien is the human being, from earth!
The film drives home the point that if we humans must fear the technologically advanced alien with ray guns, flying saucers and ESP, alien civilizations that have not yet stumbled on the destructive power of nuclear fusion may have enough reason to fear us.
But I digress. Avatar also got me thinking on the position of the Indian Right (whatever goes for the Right in India) on the relationship between the Indian state and the indigenous tribes. The issues of economic development, the right to property and the state’s power of eminent domain, and tribal welfare are deeply interlinked. In this context, I ask: what is the Right’s position on the right to property and the concept of eminent domain? Must the Indian Right uphold the right to property, as the Right in the West is known to do, or choose to be unique by upholding the principle of eminent domain for the higher objective of economic development?
This question has been debated in much detail especially with regard to the state’s role in land acquisition for Special Economic Zones (SEZ.) Some support the state’s role as the middleman in land acquisition between the landholder (often poor farmers with small fragmentary land holdings) and the developer. According to them, state governments try to attract companies by selling land at below-market rate prices with an eye on the long term objective of industrial development that benefits all. Others believe that the state must ideally ask the company to buy land directly from the farmer at market prices, even if considerable practical difficulties are involved. Opinion remains divided and there is no indication that there is any consensus over this issue among the Right.
One question that has received scant attention from the Right is the relation between the state and the indigenous tribes in India, especially it’s position on questions like the conflict between the concept of eminent domain and tribals’ property rights, tribal rights over exploitation of forests, the raw deal that the tribes have received out of decades of neglect (and interference in other cases) from the state, and the impact of the modern economy on tribal culture and, in some cases, their very existence.
The Indian mainstream continues to remain unaware of the rich cultural heritage of the indigenous tribes, and the threat this heritage faces of being lost forever. In February this year, the last member of the Bo tribe, Boa Sr, of the Andaman Islands passed away. With this death, a culture that dates back 65,000 years has been lost forever. This is made more significant by the fact that the Bo are believed to be one of earliest humans to have migrated out of Africa. The language of the Bo, Aka Bo, belongs to the unique Great Andamanese language family. Boa Sr was its last speaker. The extinction of the Bo did not cause much of a flutter in the Indian public space, much less among the Right.
The relation between Hinduism and tribes goes back to the earliest times. Much cultural exchange had occurred between the Hindu Great Tradition and the Tribal Little Traditions, enriching the Hindu tradition as well as introducing Hindu elements, even gods and godesses, in the tribal pantheon. Several tribes register themselves as Hindu even while retaining their uniqueness.
It is a paradox that the Hindu nationalist, who holds the Aryan Invasion Theory in contempt to prove that Hinduism is indigenous to India, does not seem to show the same concern for the cultural heritage of the tribes who are as indigenous as Hindus are to India, if not more. It is the Left that has positioned itself as the main spokesperson of the indigenous tribes in India and remains the only political articulator of their grievances and aspirations.
As consensus emerges that the Right must focus on developing its own intellectual tradition, this may be a good time for the Right to formulate it’s position on the issues raised here. It is also high time that the Right challenges the Left’s monopoly on tribal causes in India. A start could be made by spreading the understanding that decades of socialist government with centralized planning and development had only been detrimental to the livelihood and culture of the indigenous tribes.
March 18th, 2010 at 03:03 PM
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March 18th, 2010 at 04:14 PM
Excellent post. But I can’t seem to go beyond the question you pose: what is the Right’s position on the right to property and the concept of eminent domain?
March 18th, 2010 at 05:53 PM
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March 18th, 2010 at 06:04 PM
Thanks saar
Me too. Hopefully someone can articulate how property rights and economic development can be successfully married, in India’s case
March 18th, 2010 at 06:11 PM
Wonderful to see people on the right worrying about this. Mostly we just hear “smash the naxalites” rhetoric. Yes, EVERYBODY needs to start treating Indian tribal communities with a lot more respect.
March 25th, 2010 at 11:28 AM
You have raised a very important point Chaitanya. Right In India [ except RSS] has not given much thought to the relation between The State & Tribal communities. Right is yet to display sensitivity towards Tribal’s right to protection of their culture, traditions & ethos. It is pertinent to have a concrete view on this issue, because it is as important as other issues like terrorism, Kashmir etc…
September 22nd, 2010 at 12:48 AM
It is a good post. But there are somethings we need to ask regarding the relationship of non-tribes and tribal communities in India.
1. Let us start by remembering that few millenniums back, all of our ancestors belonged to one or other tribe. In that sense we are all tribal. Few advanced while others choose to remain in their original position. Those who advanced however created the advanced civilization (what we call classical Hindu civilization with it’s sophisticated cities and highly advanced philosophy). Those who stayed in the same state did so because either they choose to or as a reaction to the complexities of lives in bigger cities.
2. So when we today say that India as a whole must progress, these tribal societies must progress. So the first question would be: do they want to “progress” (I quote this because our progress is a progress in our own view, a tribal may not view it this way)? Their ancestors however chose the current lifestyle of peace and quietness, what is the guarantee that they would not? If they want to progress, they however need to get modern education and get accustomed to scientific thinking. This can create quiet a bit of conflict within their social structures. If they do not want to accept our notion of “progress” then Indian state must define a protocol by which it can guarantee and respect tribal culture and their way of life as long as tribes do not want to mingle with greater societies.
3. This means that certain pockets need to be identified as a tribal pocket where none can enter to “develop” the land (certain laws guarantee that). The question of development or tribal-rights is ill-formed. Tribal society that does not want to mingle with others and want to stay in their home land are often minimalist in terms of usage of natural resources. It is indeed possible to use the natural resources that tribals do not use (for example the land where tribals do not recide or cultivate in) and help the industrialization (even in small scale) in that area. Such may be the way in Orissa or Jharkhand. For those tribals who want to mingle needs to be provided with ample education and enough incentives so that some of their learned skills go back to their community.
4. Allowing tribals to continue in their social structure may create a problem in democracy too. If tribals are allowed to retain their existing social practices how would government guarantee the individual rights in case of, say, witch burning?